WHETHER or not the mainstreaming project was approved by the
government, it seems to be steaming ahead with concessions being made
to groups espousing extremist and intolerant causes.
It
was several months back that retired Lt-Gen Amjad Shoaib, who informally
speaks for the security establishment, disclosed in a TV interview that
the then DG ISI, Lt-Gen Rizwan Akhtar, had proposed to the PML-N
government to mainstream militant religious organisations.
This
mainstreaming proposal had two strands; the first encouraged and
facilitated the participation of these groups in the country’s electoral
politics, the second proposed the recruitment of the militants
belonging to these organisations in the security forces. The retired
general’s disclosure spurred considerable media excitement about the
merits and demerits of such a mainstreaming project particularly when at
no point was it made apparent what sort of de-radicalisation programme
the militants would have to attend before their induction into the
security setup.
Peaceful dissent is vital for society. Each time we have forgotten this, the consequences have been disastrous.
The general complained then about a lack of response from
the government to the proposal. The problem with making too many
assumptions is that one or more could be wrong. But with no transparency
at all about this so-called mainstreaming, a number of doubts emerge.
The
first and foremost is the speed with which political mainstreaming is
proceedings with Ahle Hadith, and possibly Deobandi, groups being nudged
into electoral politics; now even militant strands of the Barelvi
movement are being pushed into the fray.
It is easier to
see the political strand of the project being executed as its
manifestations are public. Nobody has any idea if similar progress is
being made in the militants’ induction into the police and paramilitary
forces or whether that is on hold or if any de-radicalisation programme
has at all been initiated.
My major issue with such
policy rollout is that the lack of debate does not allow either the
protagonists or the opponents of such a plan to explore the range of
likely repercussions. Thus, far-reaching decisions are taken in an
environment which can be likened to Alice in Wonderland — ie, where
those rolling it out are so committed and enthusiastic about the
correctness and the wisdom of their decision that they don’t pause for a
moment to consider any adverse scenario.
Sadly, in the
current political situation in the country, with next year’s elections
approaching fast, other compulsions seem to be coming into play with
more than hints that all kinds of strange bedfellows are being ushered
in in the quest for ‘desired’ results.
PTI leader Imran
Khan’s electoral alliance with JUI-S leader Maulana Samiul Haq; PPP
leader Asif Zardari’s U-turn on the policy announced by his son Bilawal
Bhutto Zardari to oppose any extra-constitutional measures to effect
change of government and many other pieces fit into the same jigsaw.
Mr
Zardari has now gone ahead and endorsed any street agitation by Dr
Tahirul Qadri to topple the government. Who knows if the new bonhomie
between the two leaders, who were photographed by the media holding
hands, could also lead to an electoral adjustment between PAT and the
PPP?
If Mr Zardari believes his going along with Tahirul
Qadri will net the party some Barelvi votes outside of Sindh (where his
once-federal party now finds itself restricted), he may feel his
political opportunism is worth it.
Of course, the PPP
will need to calculate the loss suffered by the party’s credibility
against any gains made due to Tahirul Qadri’s possible support if the
two were to go together in any agitation to cut short the PML-N’s tenure
and then in any subsequent election.
If the by-elections
in Punjab and also KP are any indicator, the PPP’s votes coupled with
those accruing to a possible deal with PAT won’t better the Zardari-led
party’s chances in any significant measure.
Many of these
chess moves, the outcome of which is far from certain, are being played
mainly with a view to eroding the vote bank of the PML-N particularly
in Punjab and KP.
If you ask my honest opinion, I’d say
all these machinations are not needed as the PML-N in-fight involving
the doves and the hawks is debilitating enough for the party, and any
outside tinkering with the process is wholly unnecessary.
You
have doubts about this? Just go and search for the TV interviews of the
Punjab government spokesman Malik Mohammad Ahmad Khan in the aftermath
of the military and intelligence-brokered agreement which saw the TLYRA
lockdown of Islamabad end.
The spokesman was categorical
in not blaming anyone but the federal government for the fiasco and
watching him holding forth it was difficult to believe that the
administrations in the province and at the centre belonged to the same
party.
God help the PML-N if the same dichotomy presents
itself in the run-up to the elections, in the selection of candidates
and the election campaign, despite huge swathes of support for the party
in Punjab.
In the fast-emerging political dynamics of
Pakistan, my major concern is that the space for expression of any
liberal thought or dissent that is seen as hostile by the establishment
is leading to disappearances and others repressive measures.
Politically
engineer all you want, but for God’s sake do not stamp out dissent by
disappearing bloggers, social media activists and political workers.
Peaceful dissent is vital for the well-being of any society. Each time
we have forgotten this, the consequences have been disastrous.
This
week another Lahore-based activist who slammed the Faizabad accord
facilitated by the ISI has gone missing. I have no means of saying
definitively who is responsible. But the track record of state
institutions can perhaps guide us.
